Field notes The Energy Transition for the Rest of Us

Catalyst N° 031 of 125 15 Aug 2024

The cost of nuclear

with Jessica Lovering, co-founder and executive director, Good Energy Collective

In this note
  1. 01The question
  2. 02The answer
  3. 03The argument
  4. 04What you need to know first
  5. 05Details worth keeping
  6. 06Claims worth citing
  7. 07Where it’s contested

The question

Why does a nuclear reactor cost roughly four times as much to build in the United States as in South Korea, and what would actually make American nuclear cheap?

The answer

Not regulation, which is the answer both sides of the usual American argument reach for. Lovering’s dominant factor is volume: nuclear gets cheap where a country builds many reactors of a standardized design in a row, because the technology, the industry, the workforce and the regulator all climb the same curve together. That works because most of what a nuclear plant costs is not nuclear. The reactor and its containment are about an eighth of the project.

03The argument

The spread itself is the clue. A solar panel costs roughly the same anywhere on earth, with real but modest variation in installation. Nuclear runs from about $2,200 per kilowatt in South Korea, the cheapest in the world, to about $8,000 for Vogtle in Georgia and probably the recently completed Finnish project, a four-fold gap. Lovering’s explanation is that nuclear is no longer really a traded product. There used to be far more international commerce in commercial reactors, and today a plant is built as an infrastructure project, country by country. Each one is substantially unique, closer to a highway, a dam or a bridge than to a car or an airplane, and uniqueness is expensive.

Opening up the cost pie makes that concrete. For an AP1000, the 1.1-gigawatt Westinghouse design built at Vogtle, roughly half the capital cost sits in the plant outside the reactor: the yard, the cooling infrastructure, the groundwork. Lovering’s phrase for that half is that it has nothing to do with nuclear, though it is still heavily regulated concrete and steel. The nuclear island itself, meaning the reactor and the pressure containment structure, is only about 12%. Another 35% or so is engineering, procurement, construction management and owner’s costs such as interest accruing during construction. So when people say nuclear is expensive, they are mostly making a claim about large construction projects and the cost of money, not about atoms. She reinforces the point from the other direction: much of what nuclear costs is not concrete and steel either, but engineering, design and project management, and she thinks a good part of South Korea’s advantage is simply excellent project management, which is hard to export.

That is also what makes nuclear cheap where it is cheap. Building the same design repeatedly produces what she calls economies of multiples, and South Korea’s own history shows the curve: it started nearer $4,000 to $5,000 per kilowatt and came down. France shows learning too, and tellingly the French curve jumps back up every time a new reactor design is introduced, then descends again. The United States stopped building in the 1980s and never accumulated the repetitions, which is why its handful of recent projects sit at the top of the range.

Which sets up the regulation question directly, and this is where Lovering declines the argument everyone else is having. Her evidence for demoting regulation is clean: South Korea’s regulator is modeled substantially on the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission, which is widely treated as the international gold standard and copied elsewhere. If American regulation were the dominant cost driver, a country regulating on a similar model should not be the cheapest builder in the world. She grants that licensing could be modernized for advanced designs with passive safety features, and later grants something stronger, that genuinely factory-fabricated reactors will require a bulk licensing regime the US does not have, since aircraft are not licensed one airframe at a time. But she will not call regulation a silver bullet, and she spreads blame onto the industry itself as well. Her alternative explanation is demand. Nuclear gets cheaper where electricity demand is growing fast, because the plants are actually needed, and the US had exactly that when it built its existing fleet. What the US never had is demand-pull policy for nuclear. Renewables got three decades of production and investment tax credits and state portfolio standards that manufactured demand and induced the innovation that took solar from something like $100,000 per kilowatt in the 1970s to today’s prices. Nuclear got nothing comparable until the Inflation Reduction Act and a recent shift in some states toward clean energy mandates that count nuclear.

04What you need to know first

Dollars per kilowatt
The upfront capital cost of building capacity, which is the number that varies wildly between countries. Distinct from dollars per megawatt-hour, the cost of the electricity that comes out.
The nuclear island
The reactor and its pressure containment structure specifically, as opposed to everything else on the site. About 12% of project cost, which is the single most counterintuitive number in the episode.
Economies of multiples
Lovering’s term for the savings that come from building many units of one design in series: not just technology learning, but the industry, the workers and the regulator learning alongside it.
Passive safety
Safety derived from physical processes rather than engineered systems. Her example: traditional water-cooled reactors move coolant with heavily over-engineered pumps, perhaps four where one is needed, built to survive heat and radioactivity. Many advanced designs instead use convection, hot fluid rising and cool fluid sinking the way a tea kettle works, which removes that hardware and makes the plant cheaper to build, operate and maintain.

05Details worth keeping

  • Nuclear is a cost paradox. Almost all of its cost is capital and fuel is a small proportion, so economically it behaves more like wind, solar or hydro than like a fossil plant. Existing US nuclear generates the second cheapest electricity in the country after hydroelectric, and France has the cheapest electricity in Europe at 80% nuclear.
  • From a US vantage point nuclear looks stagnant; globally it is not. Growth is concentrated where electricity demand is growing fast, mainly East, South and Central Asia. More than 30 countries are pursuing a first plant, with construction under way in the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, Egypt and Bangladesh and interest in Romania and Poland. Sweden, the UK and Belgium reconsidered after the Russian invasion of Ukraine cut off Russian gas, Belgium putting a planned phase-out on hold for a decade. Growth is still slow by the standards of the 1970s and 1980s, and slow relative to growth in energy demand overall, with a post-Fukushima drop that is still rebounding.
  • Chinese costs are opaque because the utilities and developers are state-owned. Construction start and finish dates are reported to the International Atomic Energy Agency, though, and duration is a reasonable proxy for cost; China’s durations track South Korea’s. China also deliberately indigenized, licensing French and American designs under technology transfer agreements before developing its own designs and supply chain, which she says probably cost more in the short run and was judged worth it.
  • The largest power plants in the world, and the largest in the US, are nuclear. She believes the largest single project is eight reactors in South Korea.
  • Cost uncertainty may be a bigger obstacle than cost level, because a utility can plan around an expensive number but not around surprise 50% or 100% overruns. Two answers come up. Boeing-style fixed pricing, where an order book of hundreds of aircraft exists before manufacturing starts and the first few hundred sell at a loss at a price set partway down the learning curve, which for nuclear would mean a fixed dollars-per-kilowatt quote on the second, third and fourth unit rather than the first. Kann notes that argues for smaller units, since nobody will sell gigawatt-scale projects at a loss for long. The other is build-own-operate, where the vendor keeps the asset and sells the electricity under a long-term contract, moving the risk off small and municipal utilities.
  • On the canceled NuScale project, her point is that the communities had an option to opt out and used it when the price moved. It looks like failure and is also the mechanism working, since they avoided being stuck with an expensive plant. She adds that NuScale was unrepresentative of what follows it: it was water-cooled, and at a 12-pack of modules it was closer to a 700-megawatt plant that still had to be constructed on site.
  • The newer designs open markets that never had access to nuclear. Micro reactors under 10 megawatts, some around 1 megawatt, are smaller than a wind turbine and fit in a shipping container or two. She sketches a rural electric co-op backing up its wind and solar, or a hospital taking 10 megawatts, alongside large investor-owned utilities that still want a big plant to replace a retiring coal unit.

06Claims worth citing

All figures as stated in this episode, published 2024-08-15. Note that the conversation places itself at the end of 2023 (Kann), so read the numbers and the forecasts as late-2023 vintage rather than mid-2024, and verify anything before quoting.

  • South Korea about $2,200 per kilowatt for recently built reactors, described as the cheapest in the world. Later in the same conversation she rounds this to “$2,000 in Korea,” so quote it as a range rather than a point. Lovering
  • Vogtle about $8,000 per kilowatt, with the recently completed Finnish project probably at a similar level. Both are hedged; she notes costs are hard to pin down for projects that took decades. Lovering
  • Under $2,000 per kilowatt is the moonshot target for competing with natural gas. Her rough translation is under $60 per megawatt-hour, offered as an estimate and dependent on the cost of capital. Lovering
  • AP1000 cost breakdown: about half outside the reactor, about 12% nuclear island, about 35% engineering, procurement, construction management and owner’s costs. Sourced to a 2012 report she pulled up during the interview and describes as one of the only breakdowns available, so it was already dated when cited. Lovering
  • South Korea started nearer $4,000 to $5,000 per kilowatt before descending. Lovering
  • China has about 22 reactors under construction, the most of any country, and will pass France for the second-largest fleet. Cost estimated at about $2,500 per kilowatt, inferred from construction duration rather than observed; components about 80% manufactured domestically, working toward 100%. Lovering
  • The UAE’s first nuclear project: four reactors, 5.6 gigawatts, about 20% of national electricity, roughly a decade to build. She first says “each reactor” before confirming that 5.6 gigawatts describes the single four-reactor project, so the per-reactor figure is unclear. Lovering
  • The AP1000 is 1.1 gigawatts. Lovering
  • Six or seven advanced designs are working seriously with the regulator toward first projects. Lovering
  • Solar cost something like $100,000 per kilowatt in the 1970s. Lovering
  • NuScale’s announced price moved to about $90 per megawatt-hour against roughly $65 earlier. The figures are Kann’s, given as “or something like that,” and Lovering does not restate them. Kann
  • An illustrative fixed price for a second-through-fourth unit: $3,000 per kilowatt regardless of what it costs to build. Offered as an example of a possible contract structure, not a real quote. Lovering
  • Supporting research that smaller energy technologies learn faster: Wilson et al. 2020 and Schwarz et al. 2020. cited by Lovering
  • She has worked on nuclear since 2011. Lovering

07Where it’s contested

  • She declines the central American argument rather than joining a side. Advocates blame regulation, opponents cite cost. She calls regulation one factor but not the dominant one, and says the industry made real mistakes in construction management and supply chains and historically scaled faster than its own understanding of safety.
  • Kann restates her position and she accepts it with an addition. His version is that embedded regulatory cost is not the biggest capex driver, that the missing ingredient is volume, and that volume is missing partly for lack of demand-pull policy and partly because licensing has been hard, so the whole thing is circular. She agrees, then adds that truly factory-fabricated modular reactors will definitely need a bulk licensing regime the US does not have. Her “not a silver bullet” verdict is a judgment about the plants built so far, not a claim that regulation is irrelevant to what comes next.
  • Whether advanced designs will actually be cheaper is unproven and she says so. The promise has been made and broken before, she notes, invoking “too cheap to meter,” and Vogtle and the European projects went far over budget. Her grounds for optimism, modularity, factory fabrication and passive safety, all require being built before they prove anything.
  • Design diversity cuts both ways, and Kann presses it hard. If 15 competing designs each reach first-of-a-kind, does everyone sit at the top of the cost curve forever? Her analogy is that wide-body aircraft support only a Boeing-Airbus duopoly, and only because the US and the EU support both heavily. She expects several demonstrations, some failures, and segmentation by market size rather than one winner. She separately treats the instinct against government picking winners as legitimate, given a history of reactors designed by engineers for military needs rather than for what utilities wanted.
  • She disclaims expertise on project management, which is where she locates a large part of South Korea’s advantage, pointing to case studies rather than her own work. She is equally explicit that Chinese costs are not known.
  • The timeline is a forecast. Ground broken on several projects within about five years and a handful online before 2030, offered as her expectation. Kann pushes on how tight that is, noting the conversation is happening at the end of 2023, which leaves roughly six years.

Cite as: “The cost of nuclear,” The Energy Transition for the Rest of Us, note on Catalyst with Shayle Kann, August 15, 2024. CC BY 4.0. View the Markdown